The Electoral Consequences of
Compensation for Globalization
(forthcoming) European Union
Politics
The European Globalisation Adjustment Fund
(EGF) provides support to workers in EU member states
who are made redundant as a result of globalization. I
investigate the impact of the EGF on voters' support for
protectionist political parties using a
difference-in-differences research design and official
election results at the district and commune level. I
also examine individual-level voting data. I find that
in regions exposed to rising imports, EGF assistance
generates a small decrease in voters' support for one of
Europe's most prominent anti-globalization parties,
which ranges in magnitude from zero to 1.5 percentage
points. While consistent with the logic of embedded
liberalism, this finding suggests that the theorized
connection between compensation and public support for
globalization may be conditional rather than
categorical.
Countries hold divergent positions in international
environmental negotiations as a result of domestic
politics. Domestic political institutions privilege the
interests of some groups over others depending on their
geographic distribution. Groups with varied interests in
protecting the environment often exhibit different
geographic patterns, as illustrated by negotiations over
fisheries subsidies at the World Trade Organization
(WTO). These political dynamics, as well as the
electoral success of Green political parties, influence
governments' spending priorities, as well as states'
positions in international environmental negotiations.
Because economic activities like
production and employment occur unevenly
across space, international trade impacts
various parts of a country differently. As a
result, public opinion about trade differs
across geographic areas within countries.
The geographic disparities in public
attitudes towards trade often align with
salient political cleavages and the
resulting politicization may threaten
states’ continued economic openness, as well
as their engagement with, and even support
for, the world trade regime.
One of
the most controversial aspects of
globalization is offshoring, when
manufacturing operations and
business functions move abroad.
Although voters generally dislike
offshoring, it remains unclear how
the movement of jobs abroad impacts
democratic elections. Using a
difference-in-differences estimation
strategy, I find that incumbent
government parties lose more votes
in municipalities where a local
plant moved production abroad
between elections than in
municipalities without such an
event. This finding holds for
multiparty coalition governments
where voters disproportionately
punish the largest party in
coalition for offshoring.
International organizations make policy
decisions that affect the lives of people around the
world. We argue that these decisions depend, in part, on
the political ideology of the organization’s chief
executive. We investigate the influence of the Managing
Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). We
find that when the Managing Director is politically left
of center, the IMF requires less labor market
liberalization from borrowing countries in exchange for
a loan.
Scholars
working in the open economy
politics (OEP) tradition use
interests, institutions and
international bargaining to
explain economic policies, as
well as international economic
relations. This chapter
describes the OEP framework and
discusses recent developments
that have challenged it,
including the behavioral
revolution and the growing
importance of economic
geography.
We argue that cultural
values are central to understanding the backlash
against globalization. However, these values are
shaped, in part, by long-run economic change. Using
an original survey of the British population, we
show that individuals living in regions where the
local labor market was more substantially affected
by imports from China have significantly more
authoritarian values.
Globalization has
reduced the importance of distance between
countries. Yet, within countries, geography
matters now more than ever. Economic
activities, including production and
employment, occur unevenly across space within
countries, and globalization consequently
impacts various regions differently. By
examining economic geography, researchers will
find new traction on long-standing theoretical
debates and valuable insights on recent
developments, including the growing backlash
against globalization.
What effects do International Monetary Fund
(IMF) loans have on borrowing countries? We argue IMF
loans have varied impacts because the conditions
attached to IMF financing differ across countries. To
demonstrate this point, we investigate IMF loans with
and without conditions that require public sector
reforms in exchange for financing. We find that the
addition of a public sector reform condition to a
country’s IMF program corresponds with a reduction in
the public sector wage bill. Although IMF loans prompt
cuts to the public sector wage bill in the short-term,
these cuts do not persist in the long-term.
Governments in some
democracies target economic policies, like
industrial subsidies, to small groups at the
expense of many. Why do some governments
redistribute more narrowly than others? Their
willingness to selectively target economic
benefits, like subsidies to businesses, depends on
the way politicians are elected and the geographic
distribution of economic activities. Based on
interviews with government ministers and
bureaucrats, as well as parliamentary records,
industry publications, local media coverage, and
new quantitative data, Spending to Win,
demonstrates that government policy-making can be
explained by the combination of electoral
institutions and economic geography. Specifically,
it shows how institutions interact with economic
geography to influence countries' economic
policies and international economic relations.
Identical institutions have wide-ranging effects
depending on the context in which they operate. As
a result, no single institution is a panacea for
issues, such as income inequality, international
economic conflict, or minority representation.
Despite a growing
body of research, little consensus exists as
to precisely how electoral institutions affect
policy. One reason for the confusion may be
the imprecise manner in which electoral
institutions are often measured. Better
measures of electoral systems may improve our
understanding of their policy effects.
Improved theories that clarify the causal
mechanism(s) linking electoral systems to
policy outcomes will also help to clarify the
relationship between electoral systems and
policies. Finally, different types of
empirical evidence are needed to shed new
light on the policy effects of electoral
institutions.
Populism
and the Brexit vote (2016) Comparative
Politics Newsletter, The Organized Section in
Comparative Politics of the American Political
Science Association, Volume 26, Issue 2, Fall
In a surprise
result, fifty-two percent of voters in the UK
referendum on European Union membership chose
to leave the EU. Was this unexpected outcome
the result of populist politics? If so, what
can we learn from ‘Brexit’ about
populism?
This
analysis of US Congressional roll call votes from
1980–2004 reveals that pro-trade legislators who
represent relatively more exporters are more likely to
vote for increased spending on Trade Adjustment
Assistance (TAA), a program designed to provide
financial assistance to workers who lose their jobs or
experience a reduction in wages due to increased foreign
trade. Even Republicans, who often oppose spending
increases support greater TAA funding when a substantial
portion of their constituents stand to gain from freer
trade.
Electoral
Systems and Trade (2015) In The Oxford
Handbook of the Political Economy of
International Trade, Oxford University
Press
Why have scholars
reached inconsistent inferences about the
effects of electoral systems on trade policy?
This question is the central focus of this
chapter. Understanding why scholars have
reached this stalemate is important if future
research is to progress beyond it. Failure to
resolve the impasse may result in the
premature demise of this research agenda.
PTAs
and Public Procurement (2015) In Trade
Cooperation: The Purpose, Design and Effects
of Preferential Trade Agreements,
Cambridge University Press
More and more
preferential trade agreements (PTAs) include
rules that aim to increase the competitiveness
of government procurement. Why do governments
sign PTAs with public procurement chapters?
Research shows that such rules have limited
success in liberalizing procurement markets.
Governments may sign PTAs with procurement
chapters safe in the knowledge that they can
continue to ‘buy national’ with relative
impunity because of the opacity of public
procurement. When a government needs to buy
goods or services from a foreign firm, the
PTA’s procurement rules give them political
cover to do so.
Domestic
politics influence the terms and conditions of
International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans. IMF loan
conditions are more lenient when borrowing governments
face democratic elections within the next six months.
The IMF appears to adapt its lending decisions to
countries' individual circumstances by waiving or
modifying loan conditions when domestic political
constraints are particularly intense.
Does
democracy promote free trade? In an analysis of 138
countries from 1990 to 2008, we find that democratic
countries have lower tariffs than non-democracies, on
average, but higher levels of discrimination in public
procurement. Democratically-elected governments are more
likely to discriminate against foreign firms when
awarding lucrative government contracts.
A growing
number of international agreements regulate governments'
purchases of goods and services. In theory, such rules
make "buy national" programs illegal. Yet, governments
generally fail to change their purchasing behavior after
signing international procurement agreements.
Governments continue to discriminate against foreign
firms when awarding lucrative government contracts, even
as signatories to the World Trade Organization's (WTO)
Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA) or as members
of the European Union (EU).
International
trade affects countries’ budgets, particularly in
developing countries where trade taxes make up a large
portion of government revenue. In a study of 44
developing countries, I find that increased trade
prompts governments to cut social welfare spending.
However, governments spend more on industrial subsidies
following a rise in imports.
Democratic
institutions are ostensibly designed to serve the
majority. Yet in some democracies, politicians routinely
cater to the interests of a few. Why are leaders more
responsive to parochial interests in some democracies
than in others? Political institutions and economic
geography provide the answer. Politicians competing in
plurality electoral systems privilege special interests
when they are geographically concentrated. When special
interests are geographically diffuse, politicians in
proportional systems do more to cater to their demands.
The 2008
global economic crisis prompted fears that governments
would turn to trade protection. While these fears appear
to have been largely unwarranted, modest moves toward
protection did occur, notably in the form of subsidies.
Which governments use subsidies to protect domestic
producers and why? In a study of 68 countries, I find
that spending on subsidies is higher in majoritarian
democracies than in democracies with proportional
electoral rules, holding all else equal.
How
much influence do citizens have in negotiations with the
International Monetary Fund? Using new data from IMF
loan documents, we find that citizens can impact IMF loan
agreements. Democratic governments facing powerful labor
at home receive less stringent labor-related loan
conditions. This finding suggests that the IMF is
responsive to domestic politics in borrowing countries.
Why do
some democracies comply with international rules more
often than others? Electoral politics explains this
variation. Among democratic members of the World Trade
Organization (WTO), governments elected via plurality
rules and/or single-member districts are more likely to
violate WTO agreements than those elected via
proportional rules and/or multi-member districts.
In this article, we offer the first test of
the effect of Islamic law on countries’ trade relations.
We find that, on average, levels of bilateral trade are
lowest among Islamic law states, holding all else
constant. However, the importance of countries’ legal
systems appears to be decreasing over time. We speculate
that the decreased importance of legal systems may be
due to the growing role of international arbitration
bodies.
Leaders
in some democracies are more reactive to pressures
for trade protection than in others. The varied
responsiveness of elected officials results from
the dissimilar rules that govern democratic
elections around the world. In this study, I find
that politicians elected via proportional
electoral systems are more responsive to increased
demand for trade protection.
The relationship between globalization
and social insurance is likely to be more sharply
positive among countries with relatively immobile
labor. I test this argument using data on social
expenditures in both developed and developing
countries. The findings indicate that trade
exposure increases social spending in countries
where workers face high adjustment costs. When
workers face low adjustment costs, trade exposure
has a strong reductive effect on social spending.
This reductive effect declines as adjustment costs
increase.
PhD
Dissertation
Choosing Conflict:
Explaining the Form of Redistributive Policies